Traditional Conservatism and New Right

As liberalism ideology evolved and championed by the economic leaders, it pose a threat to the existing social settings such as the presence of the nobility, and the church. The attempt to defend existing social arrangement is what brought about conservatism. Conservatives stood against the ideas of liberals in a rational for maintaining existing traditional political structures and the centralization of power. They stood against transferring political responsibility to the common people under the disguise of equality (Shively, 2014).

The further development of industrialisation led to social and economic inequality. This led to a revision of classical liberal ideas to prevent the spread of ignorance and poverty. It is suggested that modern liberals have betrayed classical liberal ideas as they embrace collectivism and diverge from classical liberalism on issues such as freedom. However, it can be argued that modern liberals have simply built on classical liberal ideas such as its commitment to the individual.

Starting during the 1970s, factions of American conservatives slowly came together to form a new and more radical dissenting conservative movement, the New Right. The New Right was just as radical as its liberal opposite, with agendas to increase government involvement beyond the established conservative view of government’s role. Although New Right politicians made admirable advances to dissemble New Deal economic policies, the movement as a whole counters conservativism and the ideologies that America was founded on. Although the New Right adopts conservative economic ideologies, its social agenda weakened the conservative movement by focusing public attention to social and cultural issues that have no place within the established Old

Neoliberals however have significantly challenged the idea of tradition and focuses more on modern principles are theories such as individualism, rationalism and laissez-faire economics. For example, neoliberals are radical in the sense of trying to dismantle and roll back the interventionist government – this breaks away from tradition as traditional conservatives believe in the government having authority; therefore intervention is a must in order to ensure stability. They also view welfare as having provided a culture of dependency making welfare the cause of disadvantage not the cause. Charles Murray argued that welfare also provided the basis of breakdowns in the family as women no longer feel obliged to depend on the ‘breadwinning’ man in the family; they are given an alternative way to survive in society through welfare.

Another way the party has deviated from traditional conservative principles is through education. In contrast with the traditional elitist view on education by the conservatives, under Cameron there has been a strong emphasis on the idea that everybody should be able to go to university if their ability allows them too, supporting labours policies on scholarships to students from disadvantaged backgrounds and also attempting to establish more apprenticeship jobs and work experience jobs to encourage young people who perhaps wouldn't go to university to learn skills that would provide a better future for them. However, the fact remains that the vast majority of Cameron's conservatives graduated from private schools which does make the overview of the party seem very elitist but, its policies and support for scholarship programmes seem to challenge this idea and show that perhaps the conservative party has changed from that traditional view.

   "Two roads diverged in a wood, and I-I took the one less traveled by, and that has made all the difference." (Robert Frost) In today's world there is no tolerance for the individual thinker. It is not acceptable to modify or bend the rules of society. Society is civilized, and to be civilized there must be rules, regulations and policies that prevent. Individuality leads to a mess of chaos. To prevent disorder, institutions in society keep these rules strongly enforced. Man creates these institutions in order to provide convenience and stability in everyday life. Then instead of man running these institutions, the institutions begin to reverse the role of power and

Looking at traditionalism, they are of the belief that people should adhere to tradition and make very few changes, especially in cultural or religious practice. “Traditionalism is a system holding that all knowledge is derived from original divine revelation and is transmitted by tradition” (Maxwell). In a traditional culture, economic and social elites dominate, and government is designed to serve social elites. Taxes are kept low to help business and economic interests, while education and welfare spending is among the lowest in the country.

Conservatism as a Tension between Paternalism and Libertarianism There are many different strands of conservatism within the ideology, the most significant of which in modern terms are paternalism and libertarianism. This conflict can be illustrated by the rival traditions of one-nation conservatism and New Right, or in particular neoliberal, conservatism. The basic idea of paternalism is to have authority over people for their own good. Whereas continental conservatives in the nineteenth century opposed any change, an Anglo-American tradition began with Edmund Burke which was more cautious, modest and pragmatic - these type of conservatives were willing to ‘change in order to conserve’.

What came to be referred to as the New Left, were a generation of young people with new ideas and visions for social change. They rebelled against what they saw as the apathy of the status quo of the “elitist”, middle-class affluence into which they were born. As they attended colleges and universities, they did not view history as being the forward progression of the pursuit of truly better lives for all men.

Typically Liberalism can be categorized into two different strands, Classical and Modern (yet some thinkers advocate a third strand that is referred to as Neo-Liberalism), each characterized by their differing and to some extent unavoidably overlapping attitudes regarding the theory behind the ideology and how it should be put into practice. Prior to examining how these relate to one another and before making any comparisons, it is important to give a definition, as best as possible, of Liberalism as a concept.

Collectivism is another sociological perspective which is basically opposite to the New Right. They believe that everybody has a shared responsibility for each other. We have to support one another and if individuals don’t pay taxes then when you’rein need of support by the health care, the services will not support you because you didn’t help other people.They care about the wellbeing of the groups because they find that they require more attention within society. They mainly include younger children, older

In Part I we began this discussion on how the Left is coming out of the authoritarian closet displaying their abject revulsion to the Culture of Liberty. In Part II we will detail the major aspects of their assaults on freedom. While it may sound shocking to many, deep down everyone should realise that the Left is becoming increasingly adverse to Liberty. Aside from wanting the freedom to wage the violence of abortion they have little use for the concept in any other form.

IDewey then moves on to further expand on natural piety, he states that “we are parts that are marked by intelligence and purpose, having the capacity to strive by their aid to bring conditions into greater consonance with what is humanly desirable” (p. 23, 24). Here he highlights human’s cognitive abilities to aid others in need, furthermore, cultivate appropriate conditions for their surroundings. Subcultures exemplify this notion of altering conditions in accord with group’s expectations. Dreher believes that, cultural fragmentation has weakened mainstream culture’s impact on politics. Religious conservatives have a greater chance of gaining additional political power by creating prosperous subcultures. Parallel structures were proposed

This essay will assess the relationship between liberalism and conservatism by exploring the differences in ideological beliefs of these two ideologies. Ideology can be defined as “set of interrelated and more or less coherent ideas” that constitutes of both “descriptive and normative element” on how a society works (Heywood, 2007, pp. 6-7). One of the most popular ideology in contemporary politics is liberalism which accord individual liberty and free market as its primary priority. On the other hand, conservatism is generally known for advocating tradition, societal state and authority. Firstly, we will look at theories developed by liberalism and conservatism on creation of state. It would then be followed by liberalism’s notion of individuality and individual liberty versus conservatism’s emphasis on individual imperfectionism and need for society. Thereafter, we will observe liberalism and conservatism as political ideology and how it has evolved over time. The essay will be summed up by a conclusion in the end. The terms, liberalism and conservatism mentioned in this essay are intended to be synonymous to their traditional or classical thoughts and beliefs. Every argument presented in this essay are intended to support the claim that liberalism and conservatism are not compatible ideologies. By compatible, I meant being consistent without any disagreements.

Tradition is an integral and powerful aspect of life for everyone on the planet. From the rainforests of Madagascar to the bustling metropolis of New York City, cultural, religious, and social traditions are engrained in the very fiber of human identity. Due to this fierce loyalty to one’s traditions, we as people, don’t often question where are traditions came from. We ignore the questions about their ethics and moral values, and turn a blind eye to traditions that just don’t necessarily make sense. The Invention of Tradition by Eric Hobsbawm and Terence Ranger delves into this avoided facet of history – how traditions become what they are to society. The cultural life of Wales in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries provides a striking parallel to the mindset of a large demographic of American citizens today. The conservative, nationalist peoples of the United States is a group full of paradox. They feel their history and culture of life being slowly stripped away, so they fanatically hold onto their beliefs with untamed ferocity. “On the one hand the decay or demise of an ancient way of life,” writes Prys Morgan, “on the other an unprecedented outburst of interest in things Welsh and a highly self-conscious activity to preserve…them” (Morgan, 43). The United States has seen this phenomenon unfold in front of their eyes this year, with the reemergence of a faction of people whom feel forgotten, searching for their past amongst political and social rubble. With the 2016